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Justice for Human Rights in Burma To: Secretary
- General of the United Nations, UN Agencies, International Communities,
and Governments
=============================================================== We,
the Burmese people who are promoting democracy and human rights
in Burma, would like to thank you and your envoy for the latest
mediation efforts. We believe that dialogue is the last chance
to save Burma and to resolve the country's political stalemate.
Mr.
Secretary - General, as you already know, both the US Government
and your envoy, who mediated talks between the generals and the
opposition leader, are warning the military regime that many diplomats
and international communities are growing impatient at the lack
of progress. In addition, the National League for Democracy (NLD),
which won a landslide victory at the 1990 election, has also consistently
demanded that the dialogue had to be upgraded as soon as possible
to round-table talks with political substance. However, you may be aware that the Burmese generals are not really
prepared to talk about substantive political change. As a matter
of fact, talks between the two sides began more than a year ago,
and it is time for the talks to move from the confidence-building
stage to what the State Peace and Development Committee (SPDC)
calls "genuine political dialogue... aimed at returning the
country to democracy and civilian rule." Now, everyone knows
what steps need to be taken, and we also expect the military regime
to move the reconciliation process from the confidence-building
stage to substantive dialogue. We
demand unanimously that the SPDC must fulfill the following required
conditions for valid atmosphere to conduct "genuine political
dialogue ". They are:
The ongoing political oppression and violation of human rights
inside Burma
The military rule in Burma, which began in 1962,
was renewed under the name of State Law and Order Restoration
Council (SLORC), brutally crushed peaceful demonstrators in the
1988 military take-over. After having emerged triumphantly from
the bloodbath, the SLORC claimed to have the major goals of bring
about peace, stability, national reconciliation, and, above all,
economic development to the long-isolated country. Despite
these claims, a full decade of the renewed military dictatorship
has brought about anything but these goals. The prolonged military
dictatorship has only furthered the general deterioration of the
country, with cultural and social decay reaching the zenith. Under
the regime, drug addiction and the HIV epidemic have become major
scourges, which have been decimating the Burmese youth at an alarming
rate. In 1996, Burma produced at least 2,560 metric tons of opium,
thus earning the nation the title of the world's top producer
of heroin. Despite the regime's claims for economic leadership
and political stability, the country's economy has been plummeting
to the bottom while inflation is skyrocketing. The only progress
that is made is in official corruption. On
top of this, Burma's educational infrastructure has deteriorated
beyond repair. Colleges and universities have been virtually closed
down for many years now. In fact, the country has been suffering
from brain drain since the1960's because of the military rulers'
hostile attitude toward the educated. Not only a whole generation
of youths has lost the opportunity to receive proper education
but also the country has been deprived of educated, human capital
that is crucial in rebuilding the country.
A further deplorable situation is the increasingly severe
shortage of qualified teachers. Burmese
people have already expressed their desire for a democratic government
in the 1990 elections with an overwhelming vote of over 82%. They
have granted the National League for Democracy (NLD) representatives
the legitimacy to convene a parliament and initiate a democratic
government. Since then, the SLORC, currently the State Peace and
Development Committee (SPDC), has resorted to various means to
obstruct the NLD from executing its rights and obligations as
the elected party. These
include arbitrary arrest and imprisonment of the NLD representatives
and members, forcing them into exile or resignation, harassing
the leadership in most uncivilized ways, and convening a sham
national convention that is supposed to rubber-stamp a military-imposed
constitution. Leave alone the transfer of power to the legitimately
elected representatives, the regime has constantly rejected the
NLD's offer for a political dialogue to resolve the country's
political stalemate. Without a political solution, stability in
the country is impossible and so is economic development. After being elected, the NLD has decided to
proceed with the convening of parliament. The military regime
responded with mass arrests of over 250 of the NLD's surviving
459 representatives and other NLD members whose number has risen
to around 1,500 to date. As most of the representatives are under
detention, the NLD leadership has decided to form a committee
of ten, which is officially called the Committee Representing
the People's Parliament (CRPP).
The committee was to act on behalf of the Parliament. Thus
far, 250 Members of Parliament, comprising 54.6% of the Parliament's
surviving members, have authorized the Committee to act on their
behalf. Four parties representing
a total of 41 Members of Parliament from the Shan, Rakhine, Mon,
and Zomi (Chin State) ethnic groups have also announced their
support of the People's Parliament and the Committee. These
developments indicate that, at this moment, Burma is at the most
critical point in its history.
Support from all possible sources is needed for the beleaguered
democrats in Burma. In that respect, the United Nations, which
is the most prominent institution in the international community,
can play an important role in resolving the political crisis in
Burma. Burma Studies Group Justice for Human Rights in Burma Indiana University – Purdue University Sincerely,
The
Undersigned |
